Spotify might not suppress search, but that doesn’t mean artists with exclusives get treated equally | Tech Crunch

Hmmmm…

However, while Spotify has been clear about rejecting one part of the argument against the company, there is another piece of the story that remains unaddressed. Hidden in the details, the accusations are really twofold, including both the notion that

* Spotify directly suppresses tracks from artists that have previously signed exclusives with Apple Music or Tidal in search results.
* And, Spotify indirectly targets artists who have signed exclusives with Apple Music and Tidal but promoting music differently in playlists and banner ads.

READ THE FULL STORY AT TECHCRUNCH:
https://techcrunch.com/2016/08/26/spotify-might-not-suppress-search-but-that-doesnt-mean-artists-with-exclusives-get-treated-equally/

Spotify’s Apparent Group Boycott of Artists/Apple/Tidal Shows US DOJ Antitrust Division is Corrupt

Screen Shot 2016-08-30 at 10.14.31 PM

I mean you couldn’t ask for a better screenshot.  Who is running DOJ Antitrust Division Litigation Section III?  

How the fuck do they get away with this?

The DOJ Antitrust Division Litigation Section III (entertainment industry antitrust beat) spends two years investigating the practice of fractional licensing by songwriters at the behest of  the Mic-Coalition (Google) and imposes a ridiculous new 100% licensing burden on songwriters.

But fucking Spotify-the dominant player by market share-is apparently organizing a boycott of artists who sign exclusives with Apple, and then urging a group boycott  by record labels of rival streaming services Apple Music and Tidal.  Where is DOJ ATR LIT III?  I’m not an attorney but how the fuck is this not a violation of the Sherman Act? Are we supposed to believe that the Harvard and UC Berkeley educated lawyers in the Antitrust Division don’t recognize blatant anti-competitive behavior like this?  They can’t possibly be that incompetent? Can they?

Why does Spotify get a pass? (Maybe this?)  If you ask me this looks like corruption.  Just look at this timeline,

We have multiple sources reporting that record labels are urging artists, managers and distributed labels to not do exclusives with Apple and Spotify because “it is making Spotify really mad.”   This is a group boycott.

Spotify Burying Artists

http://www.bloomberg.com/news/articles/2016-08-26/spotify-said-to-retaliate-against-artists-with-apple-exclusives

Labels limiting exclusives

https://techcrunch.com/2016/08/26/spotify-might-not-suppress-search-but-that-doesnt-mean-artists-with-exclusives-get-treated-equally/

“That said, a representative of a singer-songwriter told Bloomberg that the artist turned down an appearance on an Apple Music show because of fears they would “lose promotion from Spotify.” This is not about suppressing search results, this is about promoting music differently on the Spotify platform as a direct result of exclusives signed with streaming services like Apple Music.”

 

@claireatki: Labels Said to be Trading Spotify Even Lower Royalty Rates for Windowing — Artist Rights Watch

I’m with stoopid:

Spotify wants to hand over less than 50 percent of its revenue to the labels, sources say. Right now, it pays them as much as 58 percent of revenue. “There are two things being discussed — windowing and rates. It’s a bit of ‘we’ll compromise if you compromise,’ ” said a source familiar with talks. “They’re tech people and they want to get rich.”

via @claireatki: Labels Said to be Trading Spotify Even Lower Royalty Rates for Windowing — Artist Rights Watch

Texas Governor Greg Abbott Leads the Push Back Against DOJ’s Attack on Songwriters–will others join him?

It may be lost on the elites in Washington, but songwriting is not something that only happens in New York City, Nashville or Hollywood.  Music contributes billions of dollars to local economies in states all across the country and to cities all across those states.

Texas is no different–music contributes over $1 billion a year of economic impact to the City of Austin alone.  Many other states come to mind who are likely similarly situated in addition to California, New York or Tennessee.

A random choice would be  Illinois, Washington, Mississippi, Louisiana, Colorado, Oregon, Georgia, Florida and the District of Columbia in no particular order.  Chicago, Seattle, Clarksdale, New Orleans, Denver, Portland, Atlanta, Miami and DC all have associated themselves with music both culturally and economically.

In fact, one could pretty easily point to some aspect of every state’s economy that gets a significant contribution from music–and great records and great shows rely on great songs.

That’s why the Department of Justice Antitrust Division Litigation III Section’s decision to adopt the cockamamie position on 100% licensing that is so destructive to the music ecosystem is rightly of concern to governors and mayors across the country.  Protecting our songwriters is a bi-partisan issue that everyone can agree on.

That’s also why it is so gratifying and encouraging to see Texas Governor Greg Abbott lead the way for the protection of Texas songwriters against the DOJ’s Kafka-esque overreach by unelected and unconfirmed lawyers on its antitrust mandate.  Governor Abbot has asked U.S. Attorney General Loretta Lynch to reconsider the DOJ’s position in this letter.

We all truly appreciate his leadership at a time when we could all use some good news.

G O V E R N O R  G R E G  A B B O T T

August 29, 2016

The Honorable Loretta E. Lynch
Attorney General
U.S. Department of Justice
950 Pennsylvania Avenue, NW
Washington, D.C. 20530-0001

Dear Attorney General Lynch:

I write to express my disagreement with the U.S. Department of Justice’s (DOJ) recent decision regarding the consent decrees in United States v. Broadcast Music, Inc. 1 and United States v. American Society of Composers, Authors and Publishers. 2 The Texas Music Office is housed within my office and is charged by law with promoting the Texas music industry. As the head of that office, I must object to the DOJ’s position in these cases, which is both legally flawed and threatens to harm the music industry in Texas. I respectfully request that the DOJ reconsider its position.

The DOJ ultimately concluded that the consent decrees require Broadcast Music, Inc. (BMI) and the American Society of Composers, Authors and Publishers (ASCAP) to offer only full-work licenses to their respective music repertoires, including those songs in which BMI or ASCAP only represent a fraction of the ownership rights. However, despite claims to the contrary, BMI and ASCAP have never offered full-work licenses to fractionally owned songs, and the consent decrees have never been interpreted by the DOJ to require that until now. This drastic change in course will have severe consequences for music artists and the music industry as a whole. Specifically, the DOJ’s conclusion will inhibit collaboration between music artists, upend longstanding practices within the music industry and further reduce royalty payments to music artists.3

The DOJ claims that the plain language of the consent decrees does not permit it to reach any other conclusion. That is incorrect. The decree language on which the DOJ bases its conclusion states  that  BMI  and  ASCAP  must  grant  to  users  licenses  to  “perform”  the  songs  in  their

1 64 Civ. 3787,  1994 WL  901652 (S.D.N.Y.  1994).

2 41 Civ. 1395, 2001 WL 1589999 (S.D.N.Y. 2001).

3 These effects, along with many others, are explained in detail in the dozens of public comments the DOJ received during its review of the consent decrees. See https://www.justice.gov/atr/ASCAP-BMI-comments-2015.

The Honorable Loretta E. Lynch August 29, 2016
Page 2

respective repertoires. From the word “perform,” the DOJ  extrapolates  an  obligation  that  was never in the contemplation of the parties to the consent decrees and that  runs  counter  to longstanding industry expectations.  Consent decrees are not  statutes to be construed based  solely  on their text. Instead, consent decrees are to be construed under the ordinary rules of contract interpretation. They should be  interpreted  in the  context  of the  lawsuits  from which  they  arise and in light of the expectations of the parties to those  lawsuits.  See  US. v. ITT  Continental  Baking Co., 420 U.S. 223, 237 (1975) (when interpreting a  consent  decree,  it  is  proper  to  consider “the circumstances surrounding the formation of the consent” decree); US. ex rel. Anti­ Discrimination Ctr. of Metro N Y , Inc. v. Westchester County, 712 F.3d 761, 767 (2d Cir. 2013) (reasoning that a consent decree should be read “in the light of the . . . intention of the parties as manifested” by the decree). There is no indication that these consent decrees were intended to  address the issue of full-work licenses or that full-work licenses were even at  issue  in  the  underlying litigation. The DOJ’ s conclusion is based on a technical construction of the  decrees’  terms rather than a contextual understanding of the  decrees’  role  in  resolving  discrete  legal  claims that had nothing to do with the full-work license issue. It is well-settled law that consent decrees of this nature should be given a narrow construction  See Perez  v. Danbury  Hosp.,  347 F.3d 419, 424 (2d Cir. 2003). The decrees in these cases are  susceptible  to  alternative interpretations, and they should be construed narrowly  to impose  only the obligations anticipated  by the parties to the  decrees.

Even if the plain language of the consent decrees did clearly impose an obligation to grant full­ work licenses, which it does not, the decrees  should  be  amended  to  recognize  and  legitimize BMI’ s and ASCAP’s current practice of fractional  licensing.  The DOJ  has  refused  to  agree  to any such amendment, claiming that it would not be in the public interest. The DOJ claims that permitting BMI and ASCAP to offer fractional licenses  would  impair the  function  of the market for public performance licensing and could  result  in  certain  music  not  being  played  by  users. But as previously noted, fractional licensing represents the status quo, and most music users recognize this fact. It is the  DOJ’ s new  interpretation  of the  consent  decrees that  would  disrupt the market, not fractional licensing. An amendment modifying the consent decrees to expressly permit fractional licensing  is in the public  interest,  and the DOJ  should reconsider  its opposition  to  such an amendment.

Thank you for your thoughtful consideration of these concerns. If you have any questions about this matter, please contact Brendon Anthony, Director of the Texas Music Office, at
(512) 463-6666.

Sincerely,

Greg Abbott
Governor

Spotify Is Burying Musicians for Their Apple Deals | Bloomberg

New boss, worse than the old boss…

Spotify has been retaliating against musicians who introduce new material exclusively on rival Apple Music by making their songs harder to find, according to people familiar with the strategy. Artists who have given Apple exclusive access to new music have been told they won’t be able to get their tracks on featured playlists once the songs become available on Spotify, said the people, who declined to be identified discussing the steps. Those artists have also found their songs buried in the search rankings of Spotify, the world’s largest music-streaming service, the people said. Spotify said it doesn’t alter search rankings.

READ THE FULL STORY AT BLOOMBERG:
http://www.bloomberg.com/news/articles/2016-08-26/spotify-said-to-retaliate-against-artists-with-apple-exclusives

“Progressive” Zephyr Teachout’s Financial Ties to Pirate Party and Bitcoin Promoters

PIA Falkvinge Andrew Lee

 

Earlier in the summer we reported heavily on the democratic candidate for NY-19 congressional seat Zephyr Teachout.  In particular we were very interested in her role as director of Fight For The Future because they have an extremely regressive anti-artist anti-copyright agenda.  Further under her leadership Fight For the Future organized a mass copyright infringement campaign directed at the MLK estate.  Only in a 90% white upstate New York district could this act be seen as “progressive.”  See more here.  (Fight For the Future has since removed her name from the website, but the candidate has failed to clarify if she is still director).

So what?  Just another fake progressive politician right?  Well we think it goes beyond that.  We dug deep into the funding for the Fight For the Future.  Of particular concern was something called London Trust Media.   They gave more than $200,000 to FFTF when Teachout was director.

 

Screen Shot 2016-05-02 at 10.02.30 AM

 

This is the address listed for London Trust Media on FFTF tax documents.  Does this look like a company that normally gives  $200,000k to non-profits?  It is apparently located in an industrial park in Michigan.   As it turns out, London Trust Media is some sort of holding or shell company, that appears designed to hide the true ownership of Private Internet Access.

However we know a lot about Private Internet access. Co-founder is Andrew Lee a long,  a long-time Bitcoin promoter.   He was also founder of Mt. Gox Live, that was subsequently sold to (or merged with) Mt Gox the primary bitcoin exchange.  Mt Gox of course spectacularly collapsed when they “lost” 700,000 bitcoin worth an estimated $460 Million dollars.   Bitcoin is the preferred currency of Anarcho-Capitalists and other fringe opponents of “fiat” currencies, not typically the kind of thing that a progressive typically endorses.  Especially progressives that want to increase regulation of financial markets and banks.  Does anyone else find this odd?

And BTW who is the “other” co-owner of London trust media?

Private Internet Access also lists Rick Falkvinge the founder of the Pirate Party as the “Head of Privacy at Private Internet Access.”  You can’t get more anti-copyright than the Pirate Party.

Teachout needs to come clean on her views on copyright.  Right now she looks like a Trojan horse candidate that will try gut artists revenue and rights when she gets into congress.    Why won’t she clarify her positions?   What is she afraid of?

The MTP Podcast: Michelle Lewis and Kay Hanley of SONA and David Lowery talk to Chris Castle on DOJ’s “Union Busting” Gambit Against Songwriters — MUSIC • TECHNOLOGY • POLICY

 

Michelle and Kay

In an explosive conversation, Michelle Lewis and Kay Hanley talk with David Lowery and Chris Castle about Songwriters of North America, their experiences with lawyers from the Department of Justice Antitrust Division in the lead-up to the DOJ’s decision on “100% licensing,” and disingenuous behavior by the government’s lawyers that crossed the line into “union busting.”

via The MTP Podcast: Michelle Lewis and Kay Hanley of SONA and David Lowery on DOJ’s “Union Busting” Gambit Against Songwriters — MUSIC • TECHNOLOGY • POLICY

Euro Perspective on Outdated DMCA: Cycling on the Autobahn

 

Cycling on the Autobahn

Would you cycle on a busy motorway? Probably not – and in most jurisdictions, you would promptly be arrested if you did. What does this have to do with the Internet? Quite a lot, actually. Road traffic rules and regulations are a prime example of rules which have adapted to changed circumstances over time.

Guest post by Volker Rieck

History is made very quickly on the Internet: eight years count as a generation. In real life, generations are significantly longer: family researchers see thirty years as normal, roughly the usual age gap between parents and children. So 20 years of evolution on the Internet, 2.5 generations, correspond to 75 years in human time.

Playing around with numbers like this may help us understand the limitations of current Internet regulations. Applying these regulations devised around 20 years ago (or two and a half Internet generations ago) today is (in analogue terms) like using rules from the time when radio was an emerging technology to regulate today’s streaming web radio and podcasts.

Am I online yet?

The US Digital Millennium Copyright Act (DMCA) and its European counterpart, the E-Commerce Directive (anchored in German national legislation in the Telemediengesetz [Telemedia Act, TMG]) were both drafted around 1997.

To understand the intentions of legislators back then, we need to turn back the wheel of history by around 75 analogue years. In 1997, the Internet was still learning to walk. It had not yet gone on to develop by leaps and bounds into a creative teenager and then into big business. Back in the late 1990s, the opportunities it offered were limited and easy to keep track of: Internet access was paid for by the minute. Some readers will, perhaps, remember finding CDs from AOL promising free minutes in their letterboxes on an almost weekly basis.

People mostly wrote emails offline and sent several once they were online again with their screaming 33.6k dial-up modems. Numerous Internet magazines existed: their website ratings could be perused offline in order to whittle down the number of sites to be visited online later and to avoid wasting expensive minutes on fruitless searches. Time was, quite literally, money.

Downloading a 100-MB file – corresponding to less than 10% of the volume of a Game of Thrones episode – took around an hour, and uploading the same quantity of data could go on for up to eight hours. Today, fibre-optic connections can handle the same volume in ten to twenty seconds. Using the Internet was fundamentally more complicated, more time-consuming and more expensive than we expect it to be now, in 2016. Desktop PCs, generally located in offices and home offices, were the gateways to the online world. Only visionaries could imagine accessing the Internet via smartphones or tablets.

Old times, old rules

The US Digital Millennium Copyright Act (DMCA) and the European E-Commerce Directive aimed to remove stumbling blocks that threatened to slow the rapid evolution of the Internet and to choke off its promise.

American legislators, in particular, anticipated that the Internet would generate commercial opportunities and saw the need for particular regulations covering copyright infringements.

US legislators and their EU counterparts implemented a notice & take down process: if a website was in breach of copyright, the rights holder could simply notify (serve notice) to the site operator or web services provider. The process was designed to cater to the particular needs of providers handling user generated content. The operator or provider was only obliged to remove (take down) infringing material at this point – providers enjoy safe harbour protection under which they are not liable for infringements. Fair enough.

This made sense at the time and in the context of an Internet which was more like a child’s bicycle than a Formula 1 racing car. Copyright infringements were seen as unintentional, as unfortunate coincidences. As monitoring the online activity of citizens was an unattractive proposition, it made sense to exonerate their unwitting accomplices.

Today, we know that user generated content consists almost exclusively of user uploaded content, most of it protected by copyright. We also know that the actions of the users’ accomplices today are far from unintentional. The Internet, fortunately or unfortunately, does not consist entirely of home videos of cute cats.

New times, still old rules

The safe harbour privilege limiting provider liability has now governed web traffic for 20 years – two and a half Internet generations.

In the meantime, the Internet has got faster and noisier. It has also become a considerably more hostile environment for rights holders. But decisive legislative change or adaptations to this process of digital evolution have been lacking.

The consequences for the creative economy have been little short of disastrous in some respects. As data transmission rates have climbed higher and higher, ever more creative “business models” have also emerged, fostered not least by the robust legal protection afforded to players in this area in the form of the safe harbour privilege.

Kim Schmitz, for example, came up with the file hosting service MegaUpload. Schmitz sold access to his service and to servers jam-packed with illegal downloads. He generated an estimated 150 million EUR from this activity before MegaUpload was spectacularly put out of action by law enforcement in January 2012.

(http://www.heise.de/newsticker/meldung/Razzia-gegen-Megaupload-FBI-laesst-Kim-Schmitz-verhaften-1417529.html).

Criminal proceedings against Schmitz (aka Kim Dotcom) have yet to take place in the US. It seems unlikely that copyright infringements will play a significant role; it is more plausible that the prosecution will focus on customs offences and money laundering.

But platforms such as YouTube also draw considerable benefit from the dubious privilege freeing them from all responsibility for uploaded content. With liability excluded, YouTube can view content uploaded by its members with relative equanimity: if the content is protected by copyright, rights holders are free to get in touch with YouTube and have it taken down, and if nothing is heard from them, YouTube can assume that nothing is wrong.

Rights management has effectively been outsourced to rights holders, and YouTube can quietly get on with exploiting user uploaded content to generate advertising revenue without needing to monitor this content, pay staff to do so, or entertain troubling thoughts about its role. No watchdog duties, no tedious licensing and rights clearance enquiries.

The birth defects of DCMA and Directive 2000/31/EC

DMCA and the E-Commerce Directive have several serious flaws:

  1. No binding timeframe for resolving issues

No binding rules exist to specify the maximum time period within which providers must investigate reported infringements (notices) and remove offending material (takedowns).

  1. Uploaders protected, rights holders left defenseless

What happens when disputes arise? When, for example, the rights holder serving notice is not recognized as such? Or the uploader maintains that rights have been legitimately acquired and submits a counterclaim? Disputes involving YouTube footage regularly feature such claims and counterclaims.

Bizarre cases arise in which YouTube even advises the parties to seek judicial resolution. This advice is distinctly unhelpful, especially when the uploader in question is located in a different country, invulnerable to legal action – or, indeed, completely anonymous. Protected content can be uploaded to YouTube from an anonymous Gmail account.

  1. Up again! (Whack-a-Mole)

Cases relating to new uploads of works which have already been taken down are ignored in current legislation. The consequences of this flaw are severe: practically every work that can be downloaded from, among other sources, the file hosting services that have taken on the mantle of MegaUpload becomes available again and again. What is taken down rarely stays down, and once content is uploaded again, the entire process begins afresh for rights holders.

  1. Law that is not enforced might as well not exist

Failing to delete content has no consequences in either system;

stakeholders whose actions are illegal have practically nothing to fear.

Courts in Germany have begun to develop the law further and address its obsolescence. A number of recent judgements have demonstrated that judges are aware of this weak point and willing to impose monitoring duties on file hosting services.

But these hard-won judgements relate only to individual cases, and some of these cases have already dragged on for years. During that time, moreover, the mentality of users has changed: users are now utterly habituated to operating in a legal vacuum. Investments cannot be recouped in this climate. Value loss and value transfer result.

  1. Nobody is responsible for anything: diffusion of responsibility

In the (online) world which has been created in this way, the buck stops with nobody: neither platforms nor operators of web services/pages nor users are held accountable and liable for rights infringements.

To make matters even worse, legislators have expressly insisted that the anonymous or pseudo-anonymous use of such platforms and websites must be permissible.

 

The consequences of these five design flaws are well known. They have caused disruption to almost every sector in the creative economy. The process ultimately leads to value being siphoned away from originators and their marketing partners and transferred to platforms and website operators. The work of content creators and their partners is no longer recognized as valuable: the services of – legal and illegal – distributors are now rated more highly.

YouTube is a perfect example for this, as are the file hosting sites. It is estimated that the latter group comprises more than a thousand sites with millions of users spread across the world. These sites generate vast revenue through advertising and/or selling premium access. Only a tiny proportion of this revenue, if any, reaches content originators, who are usually left entirely empty-handed.

We can take to the streets to address this – let us return to our traffic analogy. What would traffic look like today if it were regulated with laws from 2.5 analogue generations ago – from, in other words, the 1940s?

After World War II, around 1.2 million motor vehicles were in use on German roads. Today, over 45 million motor cars are registered in Germany. Nobody had heard of zebra crossings 70 years ago – and cycling on the motorway, introduced when fuel shortages bit in 1943, was still allowed.

As traffic levels increased dramatically, road traffic legislation was regularly overhauled to address new hazards. Many regulations that seem self-evident to us today (30 mph speed limits, shoulders, traffic lights, blood alcohol limits, licence plates) have resulted from this process of continuously evaluating and overhauling traffic rules.

Astonishingly enough, however, the regulation of the Internet has not been tackled in the same way. We have relied on DCMA, the E-Commerce Directive and the national legislation implementing EU rules (such as the German Telemedia Act) for too long. Rules have not been adapted in a timely fashion to address new circumstances. The result is that the Internet, to stick with our traffic metaphor, is still full of people cycling on the motorway with no fear of being picked up by law enforcement. People who see red traffic lights as mere suggestions.

Levelling the playing field

Multiple sectors in the creative economy have already recognized and analysed the issue. The Motion Picture Association (MPA) has, for example, demanded that the DMCA provisions be overhauled.

The music sector, representing over a thousand composers and artists, has complained to the European Commission.

http://www.spiegel.de/kultur/musik/youtube-1000-musiker-beschweren-sich-bei-der-eu-a-1100643.html

These different sectors are all raising their voices to insist that a long-overdue evaluation of liability rules must be carried out now that 2.5 Internet generations have already passed.

This evaluation is necessary to prevent the increasingly one-sided transfer of value and to ensure that legislators create clear and fair regulations capable of levelling the playing field and putting stakeholders on a more equal footing.

One of the main sticking points will be the safe harbour privilege. Liability rules urgently need to be completely overhauled and adapted to current circumstances. This will not be easy, but now that the digital equivalent of three-quarters of a century have already elapsed, it is time to grasp the nettle.

Everybody demanding revised copyright legislation should also, in the same breath, demand the overhauling of the area of liability.

Otherwise we will continue to encounter the digital equivalent of cyclists on the motorway – and the damage resulting from our inaction will continue to mount.

 

Volker Rieck is Managing Director of the content protection service provider FDS File Defense Service. He is an expert on issues pertaining to the unregulated distribution of content on the Internet. FDS is active on behalf of numerous rights holders and also supplies data to law enforcement authorities and to industry associations engaged in research in the area.